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What the ancient Greeks—at least in the archaic phase of theircivilization—called muthos was quite different from whatwe and the media nowadays call 'myth'. For them amuthos was a true story, a story that unveils the true originof the world and human beings. For us a myth is something to be'debunked': a widespread, popular belief that is in factfalse. In archaic Greece the memorable was transmitted orally throughpoetry, which often relied on myth. However, starting with thebeginning of the seventh century BC two types of discourse emergedthat were set in opposition to poetry: history (as shaped by, mostnotably, Thucydides) and philosophy (as shaped by the periphuseōs tradition of the sixth and fifth centuriesBC). These two types of discourse were naturalistic alternatives tothe poetic accounts of things. Plato broke to some extent from thephilosophical tradition of the sixth and fifth centuries in that heuses both traditional myths and myths he invents and gives them somerole to play in his philosophical endeavor. Iconkit 4 2 – icon resizer for app development. He thus seems to attemptto overcome the traditional opposition between muthosand logos.

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There are many myths in Plato's dialogues: traditional myths, which hesometimes modifies, as well as myths that he invents, although many ofthese contain mythical elements from various traditions. Plato is botha myth teller and a myth maker. In general, he uses myth to inculcatein his less philosophical readers noble beliefs and/or teach themvarious philosophical matters that may be too difficult for them tofollow if expounded in a blunt, philosophical discourse. More and morescholars have argued in recent years that in Plato myth and philosophyare tightly bound together, in spite of his occasional claim that theyare opposed modes of discourse.

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1. Plato's reading audience

For whom did Plato write? Who was his readership? A very good surveyof this topic is Yunis 2007 from which I would like to quote thefollowing illuminating passage: 'before Plato, philosopherstreated arcane subjects in technical treatises that had no appealoutside small circles of experts. These writings, ‘onnature', ‘on truth', ‘on being' and soon, mostly in prose, some in verse, were demonstrative, not protreptic.Plato, on the other hand, broke away from the experts and sought totreat ethical problems of universal relevance and to make philosophyaccessible to the public' (13). Other scholars, such as Morgan(2003), have also argued that Plato addressed in his writings bothphilosophical and non-philosophical audiences.

It is true that in the Republic Plato has the followingadvice for philosophers: 'like someone who takes refuge under alittle wall from a storm of dust or hail driven by the wind, thephilosopher—seeing others filled with lawlessness—issatisfied if he can somehow lead his present life free from injusticeand impious acts and depart from it with good hope, blameless andcontent' (496d–e). He was certainly very bitter aboutSocrates' fate. In his controversial interpretation Strauss (1964)argues that in Plato's view the philosopher should staydisconnected from society. This interpretation is too extreme. Platodid not abandon Socrates' credo, that the philosopher has a duty towardshis fellow-citizens who do not devote their lives to philosophy. Forhim philosophy has a civic dimension. The one who makes it outside thecave should not forget about those who are still down there and believethat the shadows they see there are real beings. The philosopher shouldtry to transmit his knowledge and his wisdom to the others, and heknows that he has a difficult mission. But Plato was not willing to goas far as Socrates did. He preferred to address the public at largethrough his written dialogues rather than conducting dialogues in theagora. He did not write abstruse philosophical treatises but engagingphilosophical dialogues meant to appeal to a less philosophicallyinclined audience. The dialogues are, most of the time, prefaced by asort of mise en scène in which the reader learns whothe participants to the dialogue are, when, where and how theypresently met, and what made them start their dialogue. Theparticipants are historical and fictional characters. Whetherhistorical or fictional, they meet in historical or plausible settings,and the prefatory mises en scène contain only someincidental anachronisms. Plato wanted his dialogues to look likegenuine, spontaneous dialogues accurately preserved. How much of thesestories and dialogues is fictional? It is hard to tell, but he surelyinvented a great deal of them. References to traditional myths andmythical characters occur throughout the dialogues. However, startingwith the Protagoras and Gorgias, which are usuallyregarded as the last of his early writings, Plato begins to season hisdialogues with self-contained, fantastical narratives that we usuallylabel his ‘myths'. His myths are meant, among other things,to make philosophy more accessible.

2. Plato's myths

There are in Plato identifiable traditional myths, such as the storyof Gyges (Republic 359d–360b), the myth of Phaethon(Timaeus 22c7) or that of the Amazons (Laws 804e4).Sometimes he modifies them, to a greater or lesser extent, while othertimes he combines them—this is the case, for instance, of theNoble Lie (Republic 414b–415d), which is a combinationof the Cadmeian myth of autochthony and the Hesiodic myth ofages. There are also in Plato myths that are his own, such as the mythof Er (Republic 621b8) or the myth of Atlantis(Timaeus 26e4). Many of the myths Plato invented featurecharacters and motifs taken from traditional mythology (such as theIsles of the Blessed or the judgment after death), and sometimes it isdifficult to distinguish his own mythological motifs from thetraditional ones. The majority of the myths he invents preface orfollow a philosophical argument: theGorgias myth (523a–527a), the myth of the androgyne(Symposium 189d–193d), the Phaedo myth(107c–115a), the myth of Er (Republic 614a–621d),the myth of the winged soul (Phaedrus 246a–249d), themyth of Theuth (Phaedrus 274c–275e), the cosmologicalmyth of the Statesman (268–274e), the Atlantis myth(Timaeus 21e–26d, Critias), the Lawsmyth (903b–905b).

Plato refers sometimes to the myths he uses, whether traditional orhis own, as muthoi (for an overview of all the lociwhere the word muthos occurs in Plato see Brisson 1998(141ff.)). However, muthos is not an exclusive label. Forinstance: the myth of Theuth in the Phaedrus (274c1) is calledan akoē (a 'thing heard','report', 'story'); the myth of Cronus iscalled a phēmē ('oracle','tradition', 'rumour') in the Laws(713c2) and a muthos in the Statesman (272d5, 274e1,275b1); and the myth of Boreas at the beginning of thePhaedrus is called both muthologēma (229c5) andlogos (d2).

The myths Plato invents, as well as the traditional myths he uses, arenarratives that are non-falsifiable, for they depict particularbeings, deeds, places or events that are beyond our experience: thegods, the daemons, the heroes, the life of soul after death, thedistant past, etc. Myths are also fantastical, but they are notinherently irrational and they are not targeted at the irrationalparts of the soul. Kahn (1996, 66–7) argues that betweenPlato's 'otherworldly vision' and 'the valuesof Greek society in the fifth and fourth centuries BC' was a'radical discrepancy'. In that society, Plato'smetaphysical vision seemed 'almost grotesquely out ofplace'. This discrepancy, claims Kahn, 'is one explanationfor Plato's use of myth: myth provides the necessary literarydistancing that permits Plato to articulate hisout–of–place vision of meaning and truth.'

The Cave, the narrative that occurs in the Republic(514a–517a), is a fantastical story, but it does not dealexplicitly with the beyond (the distant past, life after death etc.),and is thus different from the traditional myths Plato uses and themyths he invents. Strictly speaking, the Cave is an analogy, not amyth. Also in the Republic, Socrates says that untilphilosophers take control of a city 'the politeia whose story weare telling in words (muthologein) will not achieve itsfulfillment in practice' (501e2–5; translated by Rowe (1999,268)). The construction of the ideal city may be called a'myth' in the sense that it depicts an imaginary polis (cf.420c2: 'We imagine the happy state'). In thePhaedrus (237a9, 241e8) the word muthos is used toname 'the rhetorical exercise which Socrates carries out'(Brisson 1998, 144), but this seems to be a loose usage of theword.

Most (2012) argues that there are eight main features of the Platonicmyth. (a) Myths are a monologue, which those listening do notinterrupt; (b) they are told by an older speaker to younger listeners;(c) they 'go back to older, explicitly indicated or implied,real or fictional oral sources' (17); (d) they cannot beempirically verified; (e) their authority derive from tradition, and'for this reason they are not subject to rational examination bythe audience' (18); (f) they have a psychologic effect:pleasure, or a motivating impulse to perform an action 'capableof surpassing any form of rational persuasion' (18); (g) theyare descriptive or narrative; (h) they precede or follow a dialecticalexposition. Most acknowledges that these eight features are notcompletely uncontroversial, and that there are occasional exceptions;but applied flexibly, they allow us to establish a corpus of at leastfourteen Platonic myths in the Phaedo, Gorgias,Protagoras, Meno, Phaedrus,Symposium, Republic X, Statesman,Timaeus, Critias and Laws IV. The firstseven features 'are thoroughly typical of the traditional mythswhich were found in the oral culture of ancient Greece and which Platohimself often describes and indeed vigorously criticizes'(19).

Dorion (2012) argues that the Oracle story in Plato's Apologyhas all these eight features of the Platonic myth discussed by Most(2012). Dorion concludes that the Oracle story is not only a Platonicfiction, but also a Platonic myth, more specifically: a myth oforigin. Who invented the examination of the opinions of others by themeans of elenchus? Aristotle (see SophisticalRefutations 172a30–35 and Rhetoric 1354a3–7) thoughtthat the practice of refutation is, as Dorion puts it, 'lost inthe mists of time and that it is hence vain to seek an exact origin ofit' (433). Plato, however, attempts to convince us that thedialectical elenchus 'were a form of argumentation thatSocrates began to practice spontaneously as soon as he learned of theOracle' (433); thus, Plato confers to it a divine origin; in theCharmides he does the same when he makes Socrates say that helearned an incantation (a metaphor for the elenchus) fromZalmoxis; see also the Philebus 16c (onSocrates mythologikos see also Miller (2011)).

We have a comprehensive book about the people of Plato: Nails (2002);now we also have one about the animals of Plato: Bell and Naas(2015). Anyone interested in myth, metaphor, and on how people andanimals are intertwined in Plato would be rewarded by consultingit. Here is a quotation from the editors' introduction,'Plato's Menagerie': 'Animal images, examples,analogies, myths, or fables are used in almost every one ofPlato's dialogues to help characterize, delimit, and define manyof the dialogues' most important figures and themes. They are used toportray not just Socrates [compared to a gadfly, horse, swan, snake,stork, fawn, and torpedo ray] but many other characters in thedialogues, from the wolfish Thrasymachus of the Republic tothe venerable racehorse Parmenides of the Parmenides. Evenmore, animals are used throughout the dialogues to develop some ofPlato's most important political or philosophical ideas. […] Byour reckoning, there is but a single dialogue (the Crito)that does not contain any obvious reference to animals, while mostdialogues have many. What is more, throughout Plato's dialoguesthe activity or enterprise of philosophy itself is often compared to ahunt, where the interlocutors are the hunters and the object of thedialogue's search—ideas of justice, beauty, courage, piety, orfriendship—their elusive animal prey' (Bell and Naas(2015, 1–2)).

3. Myth as a means of persuasion

For Plato we should live according to what reason is able to deducefrom what we regard as reliable evidence. This is what realphilosophers, like Socrates, do. But the non-philosophers are reluctantto ground their lives on logic and arguments. They have to bepersuaded. One means of persuasion is myth. Myth inculcates beliefs. Itis efficient in making the less philosophically inclined, as well aschildren (cf. Republic 377a ff.), believe noble things.

In the Republic the Noble Lie is supposed to make thecitizens of Callipolis care more for their city. Schofield (2009)argues that the guards, having to do philosophy from their youth, mayeventually find philosophizing 'more attractive than doing theirpatriotic duty' (115). Philosophy, claims Schofield, provides theguards with knowledge, not with love and devotion for their city. TheNoble Lie is supposed to engender in them devotion for their city andinstill in them the belief that they should 'invest their bestenergies into promoting what they judge to be the city's bestinterests' (113). The preambles to a number of laws in theLaws that are meant to be taken as exhortations to the laws inquestion and that contain elements of traditional mythology (see 790c3,812a2, 841c6) may also be taken as 'noble lies'.

Plato's eschatological myths are not complete lies. There issome truth in them. In the Phaedo the statement 'Thesoul is immortal' is presented as following logically fromvarious premises Socrates and his interlocutors consider acceptable(cf. 106b–107a). After the final argument for immortality(102a–107b), Cebes admits that he has no further objections to,nor doubts about, Socrates' arguments. But Simmias confessesthat he still retains some doubt (107a–b), and then Socratestells them an eschatological myth. The myth does not provide evidencethat the soul is immortal. It assumes that the soul is immortal and soit may be said that it is not entirely false. The myth also claimsthat there is justice in the afterlife and Socrates hopes that themyth will convince one to believe that the soul is immortal and thatthere is justice in the afterlife. 'I think', saysSocrates, that 'it is fitting for a man to risk thebelief—for the risk is a noble one—that this, or somethinglike this, is true about our souls and their dwelling places'(114d–e). (Edmonds (2004) offers a interesting analysis of thefinal myth of Phaedo, Aristophanes' Frogs and thefunerary gold leaves, or 'tablets', that have been foundin Greek tombs). At the end of the myth of Er (the eschatological mythof the Republic) Socrates says that the myth 'wouldsave us, if we were persuaded by it' (621b). Myth represents asort of back-up: if one fails to be persuaded by arguments to changeone's life, one may still be persuaded by a good myth. Myth, asit is claimed in the Laws, may be needed to'charm' one 'into agreement' (903b) whenphilosophy fails to do so.

Sedley (2009) argues that the eschatological myth of theGorgias is best taken as an allegory of 'moral malaiseand reform in our present life' (68) and Halliwell (2007) thatthe myth of Er may be read as an allegory of life in thisworld. Gonzales (2012) claims that the myth of Er offers a'spectacle [that] is, in the words of the myth itself, pitiful,comic and bewildering' (259). Thus, he argues, 'whatgenerally characterizes human life according to the myth is afundamental opacity' (272); which means that the mythis not actually a dramatization of the philosophical reasoning thatunfolds in the Republic, as one might have expected, but ofeverything that 'such reasoning cannot penetrate and master,everything that stubbornly remains dark and irrational: embodiment,chance, character, carelessness, and forgetfulness, as well as theinherent complexity and diversity of the factors that define a lifeand that must be balanced in order to achieve a good life'(272). The myth blurs the boundary between this world and the other.To believe that soul is immortal and that we should practice justicein all circumstances, Gonzales argues, we have to be persuaded by whatSocrates says, not by the myth of Er. Unlike the eschatological mythsof the Gorgias and Phaedo, the final myth of theRepublic illustrates rather 'everything in this worldthat opposes the realization of the philosophical ideal. If the othermyths offer the philosopher a form of escapism, the myth of Er is hisnightmare' (277, n. 36).

4. Myth as a teaching tool

The philosopher should share his philosophy with others. But sinceothers may sometimes not follow his arguments, Plato is ready toprovide whatever it takes—an image, a simile, or amyth—that will help them grasp what the argument failed to tellthem. The myth—just like an image, or analogy—may be a goodteaching tool. Myth can embody in its narrative an abstractphilosophical doctrine. In the Phaedo, Plato develops theso-called theory of recollection (72e–78b). The theory is thereexpounded in rather abstract terms. The eschatological myth of thePhaedo depicts the fate of souls in the other world, but itdoes not 'dramatize' the theory of recollection. ThePhaedrus myth of the winged soul, however, does. In it we aretold how the soul travels in the heavens before reincarnation, attemptsto gaze on true reality, forgets what it saw in the heavens oncereincarnated, and then recalls the eternal forms it saw in the heavenswhen looking at their perceptible embodiments. The Phaedrusmyth does not provide any proofs or evidence to support the theory ofrecollection. It simply assumes this theory to be true and provides(among other things) an 'adaptation' of it. Since thistheory the myth embodies is, for Plato, true, the myth has (pace Plato)a measure of truth in it, although its many fantastical details maylead one astray if taken literally. Among other things, the fantasticalnarrative of the myth helps the less philosophically inclined grasp themain point of Plato's theory of recollection, namely that'knowledge is recollection'.

5. Myth in the Timaeus

The cosmology of the Timaeus is a complex and ampleconstruction, involving a divine maker (assisted by a group of lesspowerful gods), who creates the cosmos out of a given material(dominated by an inner impulse towards disorder) and according to anintelligible model. The cosmology as a whole is called both aneikōs muthos (29d, 59c, 68d) and an eikōslogos (30b, 48d, 53d, 55d, 56a, 57d, 90e). The expressioneikōs muthos has been translated as ‘probabletale' (Jowett), ‘likely story' (Cornford),‘likely tale' (Zeyl). The standard interpretation ispromoted by, among others, Cornford (1937, 31ff.). The Timaeuscosmology, Cornford argues, is a muthos because it is cast inthe form of a narration, not as a piece-by-piece analysis. But also,and mainly, because its object, namely the universe, is always in aprocess of becoming and cannot be really known. Brisson (1998, ch. 13)offers a different solution, but along the same lines. The cosmology,Brisson argues, is a non-verifiable discourse about the perceptibleuniverse before and during its creation. In other words: the cosmologyis an eikōs muthos because it is about what happens to aneikōn before, and during, its creation, when everythingis so fluid that it cannot be really known. The standard alternative isto say that the problem lies in the cosmologist, not in the object ofhis cosmology. It is not that the universe is so unstable so that itcannot be really known. It is that we fail to provide an exact andconsistent description of it. A proponent of this view is Taylor (1928,59). Rowe (2003) has argued that the emphasis at 29d2 is on the wordeikōs, not muthos, and that here muthosis used primarily as a substitute for logos without itstypical opposition to that term (a view also held by Vlastos (1939,380–3)). Burnyeat (2009) argues that this cosmology is an attempt todisclose the rationality of the cosmos, namely the Demiurge'sreasons for making it thus and so. The word eikōs (aparticipial form of the verb eoika, 'to be like')is, argues Burnyeat, usually translated as 'probable';but—as textual evidence from Homer to Plato proves—it alsomeans 'appropriate', 'fitting','fair', 'natural', 'reasonable'.Since the cosmology reveals what is reasonable in theeikōn made by the Demiurge, it may rightly be calledeikōs, 'reasonable'. The Demiurge'sreasoning, however, is practical, not theoretical. The Demiurge,Burnyeat claims, works with given materials, and when he creates thecosmos, he does not have a free choice, but has to adjust his plans tothem. Although we know that the Demiurge is supremely benevolenttowards his creation, none of us could be certain of his practicalreasons for framing the cosmos the way he did. That is why anyoneaiming at disclosing them cannot but come up with'probable' answers. Plato's cosmology is theneikōs in the two senses of the word, for it is both'reasonable' and 'probable'. But why does Platocall it a muthos? Because, Burnyeat argues, theTimaeus cosmology is also a theogony (for the created cosmosis for Plato a god), and this shows Plato's intention to overcomethe traditional opposition between muthos andlogos.

Timaeus speaks about the Demiurge's practical reasoning forcreating the cosmos as he did. No cosmologist can deduce these reasonsfrom various premises commonly accepted. He has to imagine them, butthey are neither fantastical, nor sophistic. The cosmologist exerciseshis imagination under some constraints. He has to come up withreasonable and coherent conjectures. And in good Socratic and Platonictradition, he has to test them with others. This is what Timaeus does.He expounds his cosmology in front of other philosophers, whom he callskritai, 'judges' (29d1). They are highly skilledand experienced philosophers: Socrates, Critias and Hermocrates and atthe beginning of the Critias, the sequel to theTimaeus, they express their admiration for Timaeus'cosmological account (107a). One may say that Timaeus' accounthas been peer-reviewed. The judges, however, says Plato, have to betolerant, for in this field one cannot provide more than conjectures.Timaeus' cosmological discourse is not aimed at persuading a lessphilosophically inclined audience to change their lives. It may beargued that its creationist scenario was meant to make the difficulttopic of the genesis of the realm of becoming more accessible. In thePhilebus, in a tight dialectical conversation, the genesis ofthe realm of becoming is explained in abstract terms (the unlimited,limit, being that is mixed and generated out of those two; and thecause of this mixture and generation, 27b–c). But theTimaeus aims at encompassing more than the Philebus.It aims not only at revealing the ultimate ontological principles(accessible to human reason, cf. 53d), and at explaining how theirinteraction brings forth the world of becoming, but also at disclosing,within a teleological framework, the reasons for which the cosmos wascreated the way it is. These reasons are to be imagined becauseimagination has to fill in the gaps that reason leaves in this attemptto disclose the reasons for which the cosmos was created the way itis.

6. Myth and philosophy

Philippians 2:5-8

In the Protagoras (324d) a distinction is made betweenmuthos and logos, where muthos appears torefer to a story and logos to an argument. This distinctionseems to be echoed in the Theaetetus and theSophist. In the Theaetetus Socrates discussesProtagoras' main doctrine and refers to it as 'themuthos of Protagoras' (164d9) (in the same lineSocrates also calls Theaetetus' defence of the identity of knowledgeand perception a muthos). And later on, at 156c4, Socratescalls a muthos the teaching according to which active andpassive motions generate perception and perceived objects. In theSophist, the Visitor from Elea tells his interlocutors thatXenophanes, Parmenides and other Eleatic, Ionian (Heraclitus included)and Sicilian philosophers 'appear to me to tell us a myth, as ifwe were children' (242c8; see also c–e). By calling allthose philosophical doctrines muthoi Plato does not claimthat they are myths proper, but that they are, or appear to be,non-argumentative. In the Republic Plato is fairly hostile toparticular traditional myths (but he claims that there are two kindsof logoi, one true and the other false, and thatthe muthoi we tell children 'are false, on the whole,though they have some truth in them', 377a; for a discussion ofallegory and myth in Plato's Republic see Lear(2006)). Halliwell (2011) claims that Book X of the Republic'offers not a simple repudiation of the best poets but acomplicated counterpoint in which resistance and attraction to theirwork are intertwined, a counterpoint which (among other things)explores the problem of whether, and in what sense, it might bepossible to be a ‘philosophical lover' of poetry'(244).

In many dialogues he condemns the use of images in knowing things andclaims that true philosophical knowledge should avoid images. He wouldhave had strong reasons for avoiding the use of myths: they are notargumentative and they are extremely visual (especially those heinvented, which contain so many visual details as if he would havegiven instructions to an illustrator). But he didn't. He wantedto persuade and/or teach a wider audience, so he had to make acompromise. Sometimes, however, he seems to interweave philosophy withmyth to a degree that was not required by persuading and/or teaching anon-philosophical audience. The eschatological myths ofthe Gorgias, Phaedo and Republic, forinstance, are tightly bound with the philosophical arguments of thosedialogues (cf. Annas 1982); and the eschatological myth of thePhaedo 'picks one by one the programmatic remarks aboutteleological science from earlier on in the dialogue, and sketches waysin which their proposals can be fulfilled' (Sedley 1990, 381).Some other times he uses myth as a supplement to philosophicaldiscourse (cf. Kahn (2009) who argues that in the myth of theStatesman Plato makes a doctrinal contribution to hispolitical philosophy; Naas (2018, Chapter 2) offers an interestinginterpretation of this myth, and (Chapter 3) discusses MichelFoucault's reading of it)). One time, in the Timaeus, Platoappears to overcome the opposition between muthos andlogos: human reason has limits, and when it reaches them ithas to rely on myth (arguably, that also happen inthe Symposium; for a very close reading of howDiotima's speech interacts with Aristophanes' myth of theandrogyne see Hyland (2015)).

'On the less radical version, the idea will be thatthe telling of stories is a necessary adjunct to, or extension of,philosophical argument, one which recognizes our human limitations,and—perhaps—the fact that our natures combine irrationalelements with the rational' (Rowe 1999, 265). On a more radicalinterpretation, 'the distinction between ‘thephilosophical' and ‘the mythical' will—at onelevel—virtually disappear' (265). If we take intoaccount that Plato chose to express his thoughts through a narrativeform, namely that of the dialogue (further enveloped in fictionalmises en scène), we may say that the 'use of afictional narrative form (the dialogue) will mean that any conclusionsreached, by whatever method (including ‘rationalargument'), may themselves be treated as having the status of akind of ‘myth'' (265). If so, 'a sense of the‘fictionality' of human utterance, as provisional,inadequate, and at best approximating to the truth, will infectPlatonic writing at its deepest level, below other and more ordinaryapplications of the distinction between mythical and nonmythical formsof discourse' (265); if so, it is not only 'that‘myth' will fill in the gaps that reason leaves (though itmight do that too, as well as serving special purposes for particularaudiences), but that human reason itself ineradicably displays some ofthe features we characteristically associate with story-telling'(265–6) (cf. also Fowler (2011, 64): 'Just as theimmortal, purely rational soul is tainted by the irrational body,so logos is tainted by mythos'). It isdifficult to say which one of these two readings is a betterapproximation of what Plato thought about the interplay between mythand philosophy. The interpreter seems bound to furnish only probableaccounts about this matter.

Fowler (2011) surveys the muthos–logos dichotomy fromHerodotus and the pre–Socratic philosophers to Plato, theSophists, and the Hellenistic and Imperial writers, and provides manyvaluable references to works dealing with the notionof muthos, the Archaic uses of myth– words,and ancient Greek mythology; for the muthos–logosdichotomy in Plato see also Miller (2011, 76–77).

7. Plato's myths in the Platonist tradition

Aristotle admits that the lover of myths is in a sense a lover ofwisdom (Metaphysics 982b18; cf. also 995a4 and1074b1–10). He might have used a myth or two in his earlydialogues, now lost. But in general he seems to have distanced himselffrom myth (cf. Metaphysics 1000a18–9).

On the philosophical use of myth before Plato there are a number ofgood studies, notably Morgan 2000. There is, however, little on thephilosophical use of myth in the Platonist tradition. Of Plato'simmediate successors in the Academy, Speusippus, Xenocrates andHeraclides of Pontus composed both dialogues and philosophicaltreatises. But, with one exception, none of these seems to have usedmyths as Plato did. The exception is Heraclides, who wrote variousdialogues—such as On the Things in Hades,Zoroastres and Abaris—involving mythicalstories and mythical, or semi-mythical, figures. In the later Platonisttradition—with the exception of Cicero and Plutarch—thereis not much evidence that Plato's philosophical use of myths wasan accepted practice. In the Neoplatonic tradition various Platonicmyths became the subject of elaborate allegorization. Porphyry,Proclus, Damascius and Olympiodorus gave allegorical interpretations ofa number of Platonic myths, such as the Phaedo andGorgias eschatological myths, or the myth of Atlantis.

8. Renaissance illustrations of Plato's myths

Plato was a celebrated figure in the Renaissance but only a fewillustrations of Platonic mythical motifs can be found. Copyless 1 8 6. PerhapsPlato's attitude to visual representation—claiming so oftenthat the highest philosophical knowledge is devoid of it, and attackingpoets and artists in general more than once—inhibited anddiscouraged attempts to capture in painting, sculpture or prints, themythical scenes Plato himself depicted so vividly in words. Perhapsartists simply felt themselves unequal to the task. McGrath (2009)reviews and analyzes the rare illustrations of Platonic mythicalfigures and landscapes in Renaissance iconography: the androgyne of theSymposium, the charioteer of the Phaedrus, theCave, and the spindle of the universe handled by Necessity andthe Fates of the Republic.

Bibliography

Anthologies of Plato's Myths

• Partenie, C. (ed.), 2004, Plato. Selected Myths, Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press. Reissued 2009; Kindle edition 2012.
• Stewart, J. A., 1905, The Myths of Plato, translated withintroductory and other observations, London & New York: Macmillan.2^nd edition, London: Centaurus Press, 1960.3^rd edition, New York: Barnes and Noble, 1970.

Short introductions to Plato's myths

• Most, G. W., 2012, 'Plato's Exoteric Myths', inPlato and Myth. Studies on the Use and Status of PlatonicMyths (Mnemosyne Supplements, 337), C. Collobert,P. Destrée and F. J. Gonzales (eds.), Leiden-Boston: Brill,13–24.
• Murray, P., 1999, 'What Is a Muthos forPlato?', in From Myth to Reason? Studies in the Developmentof Greek Thought, R. Buxton (ed.), Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 251–262.
• Partenie, C., L. Brisson, and J. Dillon, 2004,'Introduction', inPlato. Selected Myths, C. Partenie (ed.), Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press, xiii–xxx. Reissued 2009; Kindle edition 2012.
• Partenie, C., 2009, 'Introduction', in Plato's Myths, C. Partenie (ed.), Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1–27. Reprinted 2011.

Articles and books on Plato's myths

• Annas, J., 1982, 'Plato's Myths of Judgement',Phronesis, 27: 119–43.
• Brisson, L., 1998, Plato the Myth Maker [Platon, lesmots et les mythes], translated, edited, and with an introductionby Gerard Naddaf, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
• Collobert, C., Destrée, P., Gonzales, F. J. (eds.), 2012,Plato and Myth. Studies on the Use and Status of PlatonicMyths (Mnemosyne Supplements, 337), Leiden-Boston:Brill.
• Edmonds, III, R. G., 2004, Myths of the UnderworldJourney. Plato, Aristophanes and the 'Orphic' GoldTablets, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• Fowler, R., 2011, 'Mythosand logos', Journal of Hellenic Studies, 131:45–66.
• Frutiger, P., 1976, Les Mythes de Platon, New York: ArnoPress. Originally published in 1930.
• Griswold Jr., C. J., 1996, 'Excursus: Myth in the Phaedrusand the Unity of the Dialogue', in Self-Knowledge inPlato's Phaedrus, University Park: Pennsylvania: Penn StateUniversity Press, 138–156.
• Gill, Ch., 1993, 'Plato on Falsehood—Not Fiction', inLies and Fiction in the Ancient World, Christopher Gill andT.P. Wiseman (eds.), Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 38–87.
• Hyland, D., 2015, 'The Animals That Therefore We Were?Aristophanes's Double–Creatures and the Question ofOrigins', in J. Bell, J. & M. Naas (eds.), Plato'sAnimals: Gadflies, Horses, Swans, and Other Philosophical Beasts,Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 193–205.
• Janka, M., and Schäfer, C. (eds.), 2002, Platon alsMythologe.Neue Interpretationen zu den Mythen in PlatonsDialogen, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft.
• Lear, J., 2006, 'Allegory and Myth inPlato's Republic', in The Blackwell Guide toPlato's Republic, G. Santas (ed.), Malden, MA: Blackwell,25–43.
• Mattéi, J.F., 2002, Platon et le miroir du mythe: Del'âge d'or à l'Atlantide, Paris:Presses Universitaires de France.
• Mattéi, J.F., 1988, 'The Theatre of Myth inPlato', in C. J. Griswold Jr., (ed.), Platonic Writings,Platonic Readings, University Park: Pennsylvania: Penn StateUniversity Press, 66–83.
• Morgan, K., 2000, Myth and Philosophy from the pre-Socratics toPlato, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• Partenie, C. (ed.), 2009, Plato's Myths, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press. Reprinted 2011.
• Pieper, J., 2011, The Platonic Myths, with anintroduction by James V. Schall, translated from the German by DanFarrelly, South Bend, IN: St. Augustine's Press. Originally publishedin 1965.
• Saunders, T.J., 1973, 'Penology and Eschatology in Plato'sTimaeus and Laws', Classical Quarterly, n.s.23(2): 232–44.
• Sedley, D., 1990, 'Teleology and Myth inthe Phaedo', Proceedings of the Boston AreaColloquium in Ancient Philosophy, 5: 359–83.
• Werner, D., 2012, Myth and Philosophy in Plato'sPhaedrus, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• White, D. A., 2012, Myth, Metaphysics and Dialectic inPlato's Statesman, Hampshire & Burlington: Ashgate.

Plato's myths in the Platonist tradition

• Dillon, John, 2004, 'Plato's Myths in the Later PlatonistTradition', in Plato. SelectedMyths, C. Partenie (ed.), Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. xxvi–xxx. Reissued 2009; Kindle edition 2012.
• Brisson, L., 2004, How Philosophers Saved Myths: AllegoricalInterpretation and Classical Mythology [Introduction àla philosophie du mythe, vol. I: Sauver les mythes], Catherine Tihanyi (tr.), Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Renaissance illustrations of Plato's myths

• Chastel, A., 1959, Art et humanisme à Florence au temps deLaurent le Magnifique, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.
• McGrath, E., 1983. '‘The DrunkenAlcibiades': Rubens's Picture of Plato'sSymposium', Journal of the Warburg and CourtauldInstitutes, 46: 228–35.
• McGrath, E., 1994, 'From Parnassus to Careggi. A FlorentineCelebration of Renaissance Platonism', in Sight and Insight:Essays on Art and Culture in Honour of E. H. Gombrich at 85,J. Onians (ed.), London: Phaidon, 190–220.
• McGrath, E., 2009, 'Platonic myths in Renaissanceiconography', in Plato's Myths, C. Partenie (ed.),Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 206–238.
• Vinken, P.J., 1960, 'H.L. Spiegel's Antrum Platonicum. AContribution to the Iconology of the Heart', OudHolland, 75: 125–42.

References Cited

• Allen, R.E. (ed.), 1965, Studies in Plato's Metaphysics,London and New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
• Annas, J., 1982, 'Plato's Myths of Judgement',Phronesis, 27: 119–43.
• Bell, J., Naas, M. (eds.), 2015, Plato's Animals:Gadflies, Horses, Swans, and Other Philosophical Beasts,Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
• Buxton, R. (ed.), 1999, From Myth to Reason? Studies in theDevelopment of Greek Thought, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
• Brisson, L., 1998, Plato the Myth Maker [Platon, lesmots et les mythes], translated, edited, and with an introductionby Gerard Naddaf, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
• Burnyeat, M.F., 2009, 'Eikōs muthos', inPlato's Myths, C. Partenie (ed.), Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 167–186.
• Collobert, C., Destrée, P., Gonzales, F. J. (eds.), 2012, Plato and Myth. Studies on the Use and Status of Platonic Myths (Mnemosyne Supplements, 337), Leiden-Boston: Brill.
• Cornford, F.M., 1937, Plato's Cosmology: The Timaeusof Plato, translated with a running commentary, London:Routledge & Kegan Paul.
• Dorion, L.-A., 2012, 'The Delphic Oracle on Socrates'Wisdom: A Myth?', in Plato and Myth. Studies on the Use andStatus of Platonic Myths (Mnemosyne Supplements, 337),C. Collobert, P. Destrée and F. J. Gonzales (eds.), Leiden-Boston:Brill, 419–434.
• Edmonds, III, R. G., 2004, Myths of the UnderworldJourney. Plato, Aristophanes, and the 'Orphic' GoldTablets, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• Ferrari, G.R.F. (ed.), 2007, The Cambridge Companion toPlato's Republic, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• Fowler, R., 2011, 'Mythos and logos', Journal of Hellenic Studies, 131: 45–66.
• Gonzalez, F. J., 2012, 'Combating Oblivion: The Myth of Eras Both Philosophy's Challenge and Inspiration', in Platoand Myth. Studies on the Use and Status of Platonic Myths(Mnemosyne Supplements, 337), C. Collobert, P. Destrée andF. J. Gonzales (eds.), Leiden-Boston: Brill, 259–278.
• Halliwell, S., 2007, 'The Life-and-Death Journey of theSoul: Interpreting the Myth of Er', in The CambridgeCompanion to Plato's Republic, G. R. F. Ferrari (ed.), Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 445–473.
• Halliwell, S., 2011, 'Antidotes and Incantations: Is Thereare a Cure for Poetry in Plato's Republic', in Platoand the Poets (Mnemosyne Supplements, 328), P. Destréeand F.-G. Herrmann (eds.), Leiden-Boston: Brill, 241–266.
• Hyland, D., 2015, 'The Animals That Therefore We Were?Aristophanes's Double–Creatures and the Question ofOrigins', in J. Bell, J. & M. Naas (eds.), Plato'sAnimals: Gadflies, Horses, Swans, and Other Philosophical Beasts,Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 193–205.
• Kahn, C., 2009, 'The myth of the Statesman', inPlato's Myths, C. Partenie (ed.), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 148–166.
• Kahn, Ch., 1996, Plato and the Socratic Dialogue. ThePhilosophical Use of a Literary Form, Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press.
• Lear, J., 2006, 'Allegory and Myth inPlato's Republic', in The Blackwell Guide toPlato's Republic, G. Santas (ed.), Malden, MA: Blackwell,25–43.
• McGrath, E., 2009, 'Platonic myths in Renaissanceiconography', in Plato's Myths, C. Partenie (ed.),Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 206–238.
• Miller, F. D., 2011, 'Socrates Mythologikos',in Socratic, Platonic and Aristotelian Studies: Essays in Honor ofGerasimos Santas, G. Anagnostopoulos (ed.), Dordrecht: Springer,75–92.
• Morgan, K, 2000, Myth and Philosophy from the pre-Socratics toPlato, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• Morgan, K., 2003, 'The Tyranny of the Audience in Plato andIsocrates', in Popular Tyranny: Sovereignty and ItsDiscontents in Ancient Greece, K. Morgan (ed.), Austin:University of Texas Press, 181–213.
• Morgan, K. (ed.), 2003, Popular Tyranny: Sovereignty and ItsDiscontents in Ancient Greece, Austin: University of TexasPress.
• Most, G. W., 2012, 'Plato's Exoteric Myths', inPlato and Myth. Studies on the Use and Status of PlatonicMyths (Mnemosyne Supplements, 337), C. Collobert,P. Destrée and F. J. Gonzales (eds.), Leiden-Boston: Brill,13–24.
• Naas, M., 2018, Plato and the Invention of Life, NewYork: Fordham University Press.
• Nails, D. 2002, The People of Plato: A Prosopography of Platoand Other Socratics, Indianapolis and Cambridge: HackettPublishing.
• Natali, C. and Maso, S. (eds.), 2003, Plato Physicus:Cosmologia e antropologia nel Timeo, Amsterdam: AdolfHakkert.
• Partenie, C. (ed.), 2009, Plato's Myths, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press. Reprinted 2011.
• Plato, Complete Works, edited with an Introduction andnotes by J. M. Cooper, D. S. Hutchinson associate editor, Indianapolis:Hackett, 1997
• Rowe, Ch., 1999, 'Myth, History, and Dialectic in Plato'sRepublic and Timaeus-Critias', in FromMyth to Reason? Studies in the Development of Greek Thought,R. Buxton (ed.), Oxford: Oxford University Press, 251–262.
• Rowe, Ch., 2003, 'The Status of the ‘Myth' inPlato's Timaeus', in Plato Physicus: Cosmologia eantropologia nel Timeo, C. Natali and S. Maso (eds.), Amsterdam:Adolf Hakkert, 21–31.
• Schofield, M., 2009, 'Fraternité,inégalité, la parole de Dieu: Plato's authoritarian mythof political legitimation', in Plato's Myths,C. Partenie (ed.), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,101–115.
• Sedley, D., 1990, 'Teleology and Myth in thePhaedo', Proceedings of the Boston Area Colloquiumin Ancient Philosophy, 5: 359–83.
• Sedley, D., 2009, 'Myth, Punishment and Politics in theGorgias', in Plato's Myths, C. Partenie (ed.),Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 51–76.
• Strauss, L., 1964, The City and Man, Chicago: ChicagoUniversity Press.
• Taylor, A.E., 1928, A Commentary on Plato's Timaeus,Oxford: Clarendon Press.
• Vlastos, G., 1939, 'The Disorderly Motion in theTimaeus', Classical Quarterly, 33:71–83; cited from Studies in Plato's Metaphysics,R.E. Allen (ed.), London and New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul,1965, 379–99.
• Yunis, H., 2007, 'The Protreptic Rhetoric of theRepublic', in The Cambridge Companion toPlato's Republic, G.R.F. Ferrari (ed.), Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1–26.

Academic Tools

Other Internet Resources

• Last Judgments: Plato, Poetry and Myth, a short podcast by Peter Adamson (Philosophy, Kings College London).

Related Entries

Plato | Plato: middle period metaphysics and epistemology | Plato: rhetoric and poetry | Plato: Timaeus

Acknowledgments

This entry is loosely based on my introduction to a volume I edited,Plato's Myths, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,2009. There is some inevitable overlap, but this entry is sufficientlydifferent from the above-mentioned introduction to be considered a newtext. A version of this introduction was presented at the University ofNeuchâtel. I am grateful to my audience for their criticalremarks. Feedback on a first draft has come from Richard Kraut.

Copyright © 2018 by
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